bloodless words becoming
the best are the ones
you don’t remember
bloodless words becoming
the best are the ones
you don’t remember
[I]f a road toward an American form of fascism exists, it will be predicated on the conjunction of several ideological and political factors currently visible. The ‘new patriotism,’ like fascism, is a ‘vehement nationalist ideology.’…In Friendly Fascism, Bertram Gross observes that racism ‘invigorated’ the political dynamics of classical fascism, by serving ‘as a substitute for class struggle and a justification of any and all brutalities committed by members of the Master Race against “inferior” beings.’ Ideologically, there is the need not simply to identify a public scapegoat–Jews in Hitler’s Germany, and national minorities in the U.S.–but to cultivate sharply divergent racial perceptions and conceived racial interests that reinforce the drive to the right.
The growth of a mass radical Right in the 1980s has also permitted the renaissance of even more extreme racist formations, such as the Ku Klux Klan, and the coalition of various racist political factions under more ‘acceptable’ labels.
I am claiming that Reaganism has permitted and encouraged the involvement of blatantly racist and anti-Semitic forces in the electoral arena to an unprecedented degree; that the ideological ‘glue’ in the appeals of these formations to low-to-middle income whites is racism; and that the inevitable social byproduct of the ultra-right’s mass political mobilization is terrorism and increased violence. Throughout 1984, literally hundreds of incidents of racially-motivated random violence erupted across the U.S., directly and indirectly provoked by these forces. Klansmen and racist vigilantes had an especially busy year. On 8 April, several hooded and robed Klansmen, passing out leaflets in Cedartown, Georgia, beat an eighteen year old Black youth with brass knuckles; on 19 June, racists leaving the message, ‘KKK: Nigger go home,’ burned the home of an Indianapolis Black woman; on 11 August, a Black family residing in a predominantly white neighborhood of Daytona Beach, Florida had a cross burned in their front yard; on 27 August, racist vandals leaving the mark ‘KKK’ attacked a Black church in a predominantly white Milwaukee suburb; on 7 October three racist whites, in an unprovoked public assault, left a twenty year old Black male a quadriplegic in Fontana, California. Chicago probably experienced the greatest upsurge of racist violence, especially in the aftermath of the election of Harold Washington as the city’s first Black mayor. The Chicago Police Department recorded 127 separate ‘racial incidents’ in 1984, an increase of 24 or 23.3 percent over 1983. The most dramatic were the firebombings of the parsonage of a Black minister in suburban Hickory Hills on 26 August, and a six hour-long stoning attack of the home of a Black family by dozens of whites, who were said to be celebrating Reagan’s reelection. Racial brutality in the U.S. is hardly new. What is ominous is that such groups have openly entered the electoral arena in many states, working vigorously for independent rightists and/or conservatives in the major parties. In North Carolina, Klansmen organized white registration drives, and state leader Glenn Miller ran in the Democratic primary for governor ‘on an open Klan and white supremacy platform.’ Klansmen in Georgia and Alabama succeeded in being named county deputy voter registrars. Although some Klansmen gravitated to the Populist Party, most worked aggressively for Reagan’s reelection. The national leader of the Invisible Empire KKK, Bill Wilkinson, publicly endorsed the President.
Reagan has created the social space or political environment for fascist and terrorist groups to operative with comparative impunity. One example was the emergence of Taiwan-backed death squads, which since 1981 have assassinated eight prominent critics of the regime inside the U.S. In the northwestern states, the Idaho-based ‘Church of the Aryan Nations’ has committed public beatings, robberies and several murders. Federal authorities investigating the formation state that the ‘Aryan Nations’ maintains a computerized ‘hit list’ that targets for assassination major figures in Black, labor, Jewish, and Marxist organizations.
The latest innovation in the Right’s vigilante forces is the series of bombings, threats and assaults on abortion and family planning clinics. There were no bomb threats on such clinics from 1977-180, and only four incidents during 1983. The following year, 27 abortion clinics in seven states were firebombed by evangelical anti-abortionists and rightwing groups, frequently identifying themselves as the ‘Army of God.’ A total of 157 ‘violent incidents’ were reported last year, including assault and battery, kidnapping, vandalism, death threats, and attempted arson. A few neofascist groups have been formed in part to halt women’s legal rights to abortion, such as the southern California-based ‘White American Resistance’ (WAR). WAR leader Tom Metzger, who ran openly as a Klansman for Congress in 1980, and for the Senate in 1982, has publicly attributed abortions to ‘Jewish doctors’ and ‘perverted lesbian nurses’ who ‘must be punished for this holocaust and murder of white children.’ The Reagan administration’s ‘response’ to these bombings was revealing. A national campaign by the National Organization of Women began on 2 March 1984, demanding that the U.S Justice Department investigate anti-abortion terrorism. On 1 August, federal authorities finally agreed to begin to monitor the violence. Federal Bureau of Investigation director William Webster, however, declared that he saw no evidence of ‘terrorism.’ Only on 3 January 1985, in a pro forma statement, did the President criticize the series of bombings as ‘violent anarchistic acts,’ but he still refused to term them ‘terrorism.’ Reagan deferred to Moral Majoritarian Jerry Falwell’s latest campaign–to have 15 million Americans wear ‘armbands’ on 22 January 1985, ‘one for every legal abortion’ since 1973. Falwell’s anti-abortion outburst epitomized Reaganism’s orientation: ‘We can no longer passively and quietly wait for the Supreme Court to change their mind or for Congress to pass a law.’ Extremism on the right was no vice, moderation no virtue. Or, as Hitler explained in Mein Kampf: ‘The very first essential for success is a perpetually constant and regular employment of violence.’
–from Manning Marable, “Race and Realignment in American Politics,” The Year Left: An American Socialist Yearbook, 1985 (Verso Books)
when Dayton became
we gave it away
Blessed are those with visions!
said Sandhu Sundar Singh,
for they walk out of darkness into heaven
the light of the Lord
the inconceivable real!
Blessed are those without visions!
said Baba Yaga,
for they sleep at night where there are no stars
& wake where there are no dreams
Baba Yaga as depicted by Ivan Bilibin (1902) courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.
AT&T: “How can I assist you today?”
Me: “I’m traveling outside the US.”
AT&T: “I’m sorry. I couldn’t hear that because of background noise. Would you please repeat your response?”
Me: “I’m traveling outside the fucking US.”
AT&T: “Would you like help with your bill?”
Me: “I’m traveling outside the fucking US.”
AT&T: “Would you like to hear more about U-verse?”
Me: “I would like to own a vicuña.”
AT&T: “OK–I’ll transfer you to someone who can assist you.”
(call transfers from robot 1 to robot 2)
AT&T: “What would you like to know?”
Me: “I would like to talk to a fleecy sheep and a creep.”
AT&T: “I can help you with your international calling.”
The dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the organization of the vanguard of the oppressed as the ruling class for the purpose of suppressing the oppressors, cannot result merely in an expansion of democracy. Simultaneously with an immense expansion of democracy, which for the first time becomes democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the money-bags, the dictatorship of the proletariat imposes a series of restrictions on the freedom of the oppressors, the exploiters, the capitalists. However I wish neither to “make an omelette” nor to “break a few eggs”—I simply want chicken.
Because no one asked.
Organized by category, because I own a used bookstore (only with more than the usual 1-2 cats, and the hours are irregular, and I buy but never sell).
Raising Expectations (and Raising Hell): My Decade Fighting For the Labor Movement, Jane McAlevey
An Injury To All: The Decline of American Unionism, Kim Moody
We Shall Be All: A History of the IWW, Melvyn Dubofsky
Labor Law for the Rank and Filer, Staughton Lynd & Daniel Gross
In Dubious Battle, John Steinbeck
Overview: Big Unions and the law de-radicalize the labor movement and defeat workers’ interests, management and their plutocratic supporters are worse, and the only answer is “never to submit or yield” (Milton, by way of Steinbeck).
In Spite of the Gods, Edward Luce
The Village of Waiting, George Packer
Pity the Nation, Robert Fisk
India, Togo, and Lebanon. I only read about 20% of Lebanon, which is still a few hundred pages; it’s enormous (the book anyway).
POLITICS (for lack of a better category)
Waiting to Land: A (Mostly) Political Memoir, 1985-2008, Martin Duberman
Homage To Catalonia, George Orwell
Iraq: The Borrowed Kettle, Slavoj Žižek
In A Time of Torment, I.F. Stone
Accompanying: Pathways to Social Change, Staughton Lynd
Wobblies & Zapatistas: Conversations on Anarchism, Marxism & Radical History, Staughton Lynd & Andrej Grubačić
Rules for Radicals, Saul Alinsky
Somehow I never read Homage to Catalonia during the preceding 42 years. I only read the 66 actual pages of Iraq, not the 113 page appendices (it’s Žižek). With all due respect to the fine work of AK Press and PM Press, two of the Lynd books I read in 2015 (Wobblies and Labor Law) were free PDF downloads (I won’t name the website). I am not now nor have I ever been an Alinskyite (I agree with this) but he’s still essential reading for both the left (full disclosure #1: Tom Sugrue was my former History of the 60s professor) and the right. Duberman’s “memoir” (part 3, taken from notebooks and diaries) is non-essential reading compared to his Cures (memoir part 1), Paul Robeson, and Black Mountain.
Muhammad: A Prophet For Our Times, Karen Armstrong
Because now I know more about Islam than Ben Carson.
Leaving the Atocha Station, Ben Lerner
Ordinary Mayhem, Victoria Brownworth
Woman on the Edge of Time, Marge Piercy
In Dubious Battle, John Steinbeck
I rarely read novels anymore and even more rarely novels from the past 40 years (unless written by Steve Erickson). Some of these are more and other than novels; Lerner is a poet writing a novelized memoir about a poet; Brownworth’s novel about the horrors of the real world includes the real horrific experiences of others she met as a reporter (full disclosure #2: she’s also my former writing instructor). I wasn’t aware of this at the time, but In Dubious Battle is also on Obama’s list.
The Legend of the Holy Drinker, Joseph Roth
My dead half-brother was a fan (so I’m told). It’s a tragedy of sorts, although its ending is less unhappy in many ways than that of its author.
Anyone else have any recommendations (or warnings)?
Ur-Fascism grows up and seeks consensus by exploiting and exacerbating the natural fear of difference. The first appeal of a fascist or prematurely fascist movement is an appeal against the intruders. Thus Ur-Fascism is racist by definition.
Ur-Fascism derives from individual or social frustration. That is why one of the most typical features of the historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class, a class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups. In our time, when the old “proletarians” are becoming petty bourgeois (and the lumpen are largely excluded from the political scene), the fascism of tomorrow will find its audience in this new majority.
To people who feel deprived of a clear social identity, Ur-Fascism says that their only privilege is the most common one, to be born in the same country. This is the origin of nationalism. Besides, the only ones who can provide an identity to the nation are its enemies. Thus at the root of the Ur-Fascist psychology there is the obsession with a plot, possibly an international one. The followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot is the appeal to xenophobia…
–Umberto Eco, “Ur-Fascism,” New York Review of Books, June 22, 1995
Kelefa Sanneh misses the mark in his recent New Yorker profile of Ben Carson:
When Carson mentions racial uplift, he often adds a quick disclaimer, noting that his policies are meant “not only for African-Americans but for everybody.” Sitting on the bus, though, he advocated a kind of economic separatism. “If we would learn how to turn our dollars over in our own community, two or three times, before you send it out—that’s how you generate wealth,” he told me. “That’s how the Jews did it. That’s how the Koreans did it.” Half a century earlier, Malcolm X made a strikingly similar argument, saying, “If we try and establish some industry in our own community, then we’re developing to the position where we are creating employment for our own kind.” Of course, Malcolm X’s entreaty was accompanied by a caustic corollary that probably would not impress the Republican electorate. “Once you gain control of the economy of your own community,” he added, “then you don’t have to picket and boycott and beg some cracker downtown for a job in his business.”
No, you’d have a good chunk of the Republican electorate (and most of the Republican Establishment) at “you don’t have to picket and boycott;” they would be willing to overlook the “cracker” part if it means Blacks would leave, form their own businesses, and not unionize yours or theirs. It’s called “black capitalism” (or “community self-development”); Richard Nixon among others was a supporter. In fact, if this were the entirety of Malcolm X’s political platform, he could very well win the 2016 GOP presidential nomination, all else being equal. (He’s dead, but that helps too= he’s been “self-deported!”)
[E]mployment law appeared to offer the possibility that without disguising our class origins or our years of higher education, we could present ourselves as persons with professional training whom workers might find helpful. This is just what occurred. It was as if the unspoken question always hovered in the air, “Who is that guy?” (meaning myself), and the answer, spoken or unspoken, was, “He’s our lawyer.” That said, everyone could relax and we could get down to business.
–Staughton Lynd, in Wobblies & Zapatistas (PM Press, 2008)